What we stand for

Israel Beytenu's Vision

Israel Beitenu’s Vision

Every political party must enunciate its world-view and goals as clearly as possible and expose them to public scrutiny. Below is Yisrael Betenu’s mission statement, a document which sets forth our vision and policies, free of catch-phrases or sloganeering.

The State of Israel faces many complex and difficult dilemmas, such as:  choosing among being a Jewish State, a state for the Jewish people, or a state for all its citizens; choosing between a state with a cultural or a religious identity; between Orthodox Judaism or liberal denominations; between a free economy or a welfare state; and between an elitist, achievement oriented educational system or one that emphasizes integration – and this is only a partial list.

Our guiding star is the supreme value of the unity of the Jewish people and of Israeli society. It would be all too easy to adopt a platform of slogans and extremist views that draw attention; however we shun all paths leading to division and have little faith in “quick fix” solutions.  We have labored long to find the right solutions, those that are realistic, balanced, and supportive of Jewish unity.

Today’s challenges demand strong leaders, and although there are many views on what makes a great leader, all can agree that the following four traits are essential:

1.      Vision – the ability to articulate goals and strategies for their realization

2.      Determination – the ability to motivate others through personal example

3.      Integrity – leaders with a conscious, who act only in accordance with the public’s best interest.

4.      Application Skills – the ability to implement the policies in such a manner as to impart to the public a sense of security

Vision is vital to successful leadership, especially in today’s times of confusion and turmoil.  Although there are those who believe that a vision is nothing but a utopian and unreachable dream, it is the sine qua non of achievement.  Indeed, it was Herzl who said that all of a person’s deeds began with a dream, the same Herzl whose dreams seemed like a fairy tale in the beginning.  So too did the ideals behind the French Revolution and even of a united Europe seem the stuff of fantasies.  It is only through having a vision and setting high goals can an intrepid leader guide the country toward a path of success and transform those very goals into a reality.

The ability to implement a vision through practical steps is just as imperative as the setting forth of the vision itself.  A vision without a plan of implementation is of little use, and a practical plan devoid of a clear guiding vision is likewise impotent.  Leaders must firmly believe in and remain loyal to their vision and be guided by it in all affairs.  Behind all the toil any far-sighted vision demands, must stand the conviction that through uncompromising diligence, industry, integrity; through leadership that does what it says it will do, does not promise what it cannot deliver, is unafraid to say aloud what others only think to themselves can a true change come about – a change that provides strong security and a sense of security, together with social unification. Napoleon once said that an army of mice led by a lion could accomplish more than an army of lions led by a mouse.  Leadership certainly has a decisive role in the fate of a nation, and all the more so in these critical times.

The “Yisrael Beytenu” Pyramid

The pyramid structure is a useful tool for understanding the priorities of Yisrael Beytenu.  At the base of the pyramid is the principle of the Fourfold Security, comprising: national security, personal security, economic security, and educational security.  The two themes that especially characterize the State of Israel - its relations with the Jews of the Disapora and the questions of identity of the Jews living in Israel – occupy the pyramid’s middle.  And at the very top is the principle of effective and efficient government.

In this mission statement, we shall scale this pyramid from its base to its top, putting our vision into plain words.

From the outset of the Jewish resettlement of the Land of Israel, security has been the decisive factor in many aspects of political life, such as: foreign and domestic policy, budgetary matters, and the growth of the settlements.  With this in mind, we have dedicated a significant portion of our vision to addressing security issues.

On the Front Line for the Entire Western World

The global aspect of the Israeli-Arab conflict is crucial. The blood stained struggle the state of Israel has faced from the day of its establishment is the fruit of two worldwide phenomena:

1.      The clash between the Western World and Radical Islam.

The Western world and its values are in a direct clash with extremist Islam.   Israel as a representative of the Western World is situated on the front line of this conflict.    The premise that the Israeli-Arab conflict is the root cause of the instability in the Middle East is false and misleading.  This conflict is but one manifestation of the multifarious drive of the fundamentalist world against every worldview that contradicts the spirit of Islam.  This drive bears many other manifestations, such as: the death sentence issued against Salmon Rushdie without one Islamic political or spiritual leader speaking out against it; the Taliban’s destruction of the Buddhist statues in Afghanistan, with, yet again, no outcry from any Muslim leaders; the reaction to Pope Benedict XVI’s speech and to the caricatures of the prophet Muhammad. And most critically, the Iranian quest for nuclear arms, which poses a threat to the entire world.

Likewise, it is clear that the mass-murder attacks in London, Madrid, and elsewhere have nothing to do with the Israeli-Arab (or Israeli-Palestinian) conflict.  Rather, they  are part of the global attack of radical Islam on the Free World.

In the Middle East itself, 95% of the victims of unrest are the result of internal Arab  conflicts, such as: the Iran-Iraq War, both Gulf Wars, the civil war in Lebanon, the  civil war in Gaza, and events in Algiers and Yemen.  These deadly conflicts bear no   connection to Israel.

2.      The phenomenon of minorities.

      Ideally, “the wolf shall dwell with the lamb”, but we are not living in ideal times.

History has shown that there is a dangerous potential for conflict wherever members   of two different religions dwell in the same territory.  Such was the situation in    Northern Ireland for hundreds of years, in the Caucus region of Russia, in the    Balkans, and even in Canada.   The above truism is even more relevant to our situation as the Israeli-Arab conflict is both religious and nationalistic, thus   complicating matters all the more.

A Foreseeable Failure

The longing for peace and yearning to bring all war to an end has led to serious distortions in Israeli foreign policy and security.  So too, attempts to simultaneously achieve peace and security have failed, revealing themselves as false hopes that lead only to disappointment.

In many circles, credence is given to the well-worn assumption that the root cause of the Israeli-Arab conflict is of a territorial nature – hence the (false) hope that through territorial concession, we will usher in an age of peace. 

The two most recent examples of territorial cession prove that not only does it fail to establish peace but rather leads directly to the intensification of terror. With the retreat from Lebanon and the Gaza strip, respectively, we did not achieve peace but instead saw the rise of the Hezbollah and Hamas. A broader view of Israeli history leads to the same conclusion: the amount of land Israel has ever ceded is equivalent to three times Israel’s current geographical size, and yet it there is no peace, and the chances for peace seem to be shrinking.

The principle of “Land for Peace”, which is based on the mistaken assessment that the conflict is of a territorial nature, leads only to foreseeable failures.

The Need for a Conceptual Approach

Our neighbor’s arguments of the right to self-determination and of a two state solution for two nations have not been met with an effective counter-argument.  Israel must explain that the anti-Israel position of extremist Muslim leaders, which can also be found in many circles in the West, is a direct product of classical anti-Semitism and that demands for the establishment of a Palestinian state and the right of return are but a subterfuge, concealing the ultimate goal of the destruction of the State of Israel. Likewise, calls for self-determination should be revealed as a mere platform for the furtherance of destructive goals.

Most importantly, the two state solution is based on a disturbing disparity:  A nation and a half for one state and half a state for the other-- a Palestinian territory with no Jewish population and a Jewish state with a minority group comprising over 20% of the general population.  Members of this minority are likely to serve as terrorist agents on behalf of the Palestinian Authority.  Many have already made explicit their lack of loyalty to the state.  This situation could potentially lead to the collapse of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state and perhaps as an entity all together.

In light of all of the above, we have been opposed to the Road Map and the Disengagement from Gaza and Northern Samaria.  The Israeli government carried out the Disengagement with little planning or long-term thinking, with complete indifference to the true roots of the conflict.  Such a policy as the Disengagement has the potential to weaken Israel’s defensive abilities, send a message that terrorism ultimately pays off, and spark great divisions in Israeli society. 

Israel at the Crossroads

Israel is standing at a fateful junction in its history.  Does Israel wish to remain a Jewish state or become merely a state of “all citizens”?  What shall become of the Zionist dream? These pressing questions are the source of much internal argument today within Israel and revolve around demographic rather than geographic issues. The question of who will be Israel’s future citizens requires not a technical answer but an ideological one; what does it mean to be “a free nation in our land?”

As a corollary to the above discussion Israel must also decide between the rejection and acceptance of territorial compromises.  The only territorial compromise that can safeguard Israel’s Jewish character and nourish its desire to be a safe haven for all Jews comprises two principles: 1. the notion of mutual exchange – peace for peace, land for land.  This is in contradistinction to the unilateral approach of land in exchange for peace. 2. The notion of unity – any territorial concession must meet with the broad consensus of the Jewish nation.  For when the unity of the nation clashes with the unity of the Land, it is the former that must win.  While peace with the other is important, peace within the nation must take precedence.

We must not fall prey to the temptation of quick solutions.  Israel has learned through painful experience that there is no easy or instant answer to the search for peace.  We are left to learn from our mistakes and summon the strength to undertake an arduous journey, which may be paradoxically both a difficult and the simplest path to peace.

The Status of the Individual

We believe that the Israeli Palestinian conflict is part of the global campaign against any way of life at variance with Islam and a product of our two nations living together.  Likewise, we are convinced that the conflict is not only over the size of the Land of Israel but is mainly over the size of the State of Israel.  Therefore in our view, the only possible solution is the exchange of territory and populations, with the goal of the separation of the Jewish and Arab nations, respectively.   Only this solution can guarantee the Jewish character of the State, assure a clear Jewish majority in the short and long term, safeguard the security of our citizens, and encourage economic growth.  The principle of exchange of territory and population underlay the UN resolution known as the Partition Plan and has proven successful in other parts of the world, for example in Cyprus.  In the early 1970s war broke out between the Turkish and Greek Cypriots. In 1974, the two nations were separated, each occupying a different part of the island.  There is of yet no peace treaty between the two nations, but they do live their lives in security, in an ever prospering country – a state of affairs toward which we would aspire.

An additional measure that would assure the existence of Israel as a Jewish, Zionistic, and democratic state is the introduction of a new citizenship law, which would make citizenship contingent upon one’s declaration of loyalty to the State of Israel as a Jewish state, its symbols, authority and a commitment to serve in the army or in an alternate civilian program.  Anyone one who makes the above declaration is welcome to be a citizen of Israel, regardless of race or creed, and conversely, one who refuses to comply may reside in Israel and enjoy state benefits but will not have the right to vote or run for office. These measures will usher in great changes. They therefore require an Israeli government with tremendous determination and invigorated thinking.

The Gaza Predicament

In spite of the Disengagement, we are still in Gaza.  The great absurdity of the situation is that we are the ones providing the electricity for the workshops that turn out Kassam rockets headed for Sdereot or the Rothenberg Power Station in Ashkelon, which provides Gaza with its electricity.  Why should Israel provide the energy for terrorist factories? Why should Israel supply gas, water mains, port services and permit the transportation through its territory of goods on their way to Gaza?  Why should Israel transfer to the Palestinian Authority tax dues amounting to billions of shekels? The time has come for us to begin to answer these questions and bring an end to the confounding silence that enshrouds this topic.

Hitherto, Israel has put forward two alternatives to dealing with terror: 1. to nourish it with a supply of energy and money and to grant it legitimacy, accompanied by the occasional payment of lip service to soothe the troubled conscience. 2. To recognize the terrorist organizations and to negotiate with them.  Both alternatives are equally deplorable.

We put forward a different option: the presentation of an unambiguous message, accompanied by practical measures that make it clear that there is a heavy price to be paid for membership in the Federation of Terror. 

The Separation of the West Bank from Gaza

A vital aspect of our vision is the belief that Israel must separate Gaza from the West Bank and cease to treat these territories as one unit – both in political and practical terms. Israel must relate to each of these territories as separate entities that require different policies based on the exigencies of security and other Israeli interests.  This has become all the more critical in the wake of Hamas’s rise to power in Gaza.

The political ramification of the above uncoupling is that Israel would be willing to negotiate with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank while simultaneously treating Gaza as a hostile independent political entity.  In practical terms, there would have to be a comprehensive ban on the passage of any people or goods between the two territories.

The State of Israel must cut all ties with Gaza.  It must openly declare that within a reasonable amount of time a complete severance will be implemented.  This would mean no crossing into Israel for work or for any other purpose; no more port services at Israeli ports for Gazans; no transportation of goods bound for Gaza through Israel; and no Israeli collection of taxes on Gaza’s behalf.  All crossings between Gaza and Israel would be closed.  Gaza should receive the same treatment as the Sinai Peninsula. Just as Israel ceased to supply anything to Sinai after ceding the territory to Egypt, so should Israel act towards Gaza, especially considering Hamas’s dominance there.

This program would serve as the completion of the Disengagement.  *As long as the severance fails to be implemented the Disengagement will remain purposeless, just as it had appeared from the beginning.

Until the time of the severance with Gaza and even afterwards, Israel must react decisively to any security threat it may face from this hostile neighbor and act to thwart it by any means at its disposal, just as any sovereign country is entitled to the self defense of its citizens.  The rule is simple: Sderot is just like Rimmel (the upper-class area of Gaza); if Sderot is attacked, Rimmel will be attacked in at least the same measure.

The current security situation will change only if NATO and the European Union assume responsibility for all that is done in Gaza. NATO forces will be responsible for the maintenance of public order and security.  The European Union will undertake to provide alternate infrastructure and employment for the Gaza residents. Constant and strict oversight must accompany such economic initiatives; otherwise, the money will simply disappear (in the best case scenario) or be channeled to terrorist activity against Israel or the international forces (in the worst case). 

Hong Kong should be the model for Gaza’s final status, a* status which would leave it with no connection to the West Bank.

Israel and Syria

The main weakness of the West lies in its misreading of the geo-political map and understanding of what has been taking place in the countries bordering Israel to the north; in properly identifying Syria’s true aspirations and accurately analyzing the developments in Lebanon.

 The fact remains that the leaders in Damascus have always dreamed of a greater Syria, encompassing Lebanon.  Their claims to the Golan Heights serve as a means to this end as opposed to a goal in itself.  Syria views Lebanon as an integral part of its country as demonstrated by Syrian maps, which show no line of demarcation between the two countries.  Neither has SyriaLebanon. established an embassy in

At this point, no buttressing of Senora’s rule will help keep the Syrians at bay.  In light of the alliance between Hezbollah and some Lebanese Christians (with Michel Aoun at their head), it is clear that the pro-Syrian factions are gaining in strength and that Lebanon will eventually fall into the hands of the Shiites.

Lebanon is a classic example of the West’s delayed reactions to emerging dangerous situations.  Sooner or later the Shiites will control Lebanon.  The question for Israel is how best to protect its citizens given this impending reality and how best to act to steer Syria away from this course.  We cannot afford any more delayed reactions.

A successful Syrian conquest of Lebanon, whether carried out directly or through Hezbollah or other pro-Syrian factions, will only strengthen their ambitions regarding Israel.  In the wake of their drunken sense of victory, Syria and Hezbollah would be capable of bringing the North of Israel to a volatile boiling point.  Therefore, Israel should make clear now that any provocation – be it slight or major – will meet with an Israeli reaction that is comprehensive and unrelenting, with any governmental and economical institution as a target.  Anyone who lives by the sword will not be exempt from an Israeli response, whether by land, sea, or air. 

Hezbollah would not be able to thrive without Syrian support, and the latter’s stamp on Hezbollah’s campaign against Israel is obvious for all to see.  Therefore, Syria should be viewed as responsible and liable to pay a heavy price for any skirmish or war whether it comes directly from Syria or via Lebanon.  Israel cannot afford to conclude any future military confrontation with Syria  We must ensure that all confrontations end with a decisive Israeli triumph.  Anything less poses a danger to Israel in the short and long term.  It is certainly within Israel’s power to avoid “technical victories” in the future. or Hezbollah without a decisive victory.

Syria must understand that a peace agreement is not only in Israel’s interest.  The view that Israel alone stands to benefit from peace with Syria is erroneous.  Syria stands to gain much from peace: it would shed its membership to the Federation of Terror, be accepted by the United States as a legitimate country* and receive support to develop its economy, agriculture, and water systems. Syria must also understand that it has much to lose if it does not make peace; its leaders have to prove to the world that they are truly open to peace.  They must leave behind the spouting of empty slogans and show that they are sincere.  Any agreement must be one of “peace for peace” that ensures an Israeli presence in the Golan Heights on the basis of a 99 year renewable lease, similar to what was obtained between Israel and the Jordanian monarchy.

As long as Syria fails to express an authentic desire for peace and the establishment of paths of dialogue between our two countries and as long as its leaders choose the path of war, whether directly or through their emissaries, Syria must be aware that Israel will defend itself, with all that that implies.

Conclusion

The threats against Israel’s security and the range of potential scenarios to which these threats might lead are more diverse than ever.  It is crucial that Israel adapt its approach to security to keep apace with the rapidly changing reality, instead of lagging behind.  The maintenance of quiet in the region depends on Israel’s powers of deterrence, which can be sustained only through an unambiguous and bold foreign policy and the exacting of a high and uncompromising military price from those who would do Israel harm.

The multiplicity of internal ideological disputes has sadly turned Israel into a country that reacts as opposed to one that takes proactive steps.  This failure is most keenly felt in the area of foreign policy, which lacks definitive goals and concrete planning.  It was not for naught that Henry Kissenger said back in the 1970s that Israel had no foreign but only domestic policy.  If the government sees fit to set an annual goal for the rate of inflation, it must also do so for foreign policy through the setting of clear, coherent, and measurable goals.

One of the clear goals of “Israel Beytenu” is Israel’s joining of the European Union and NATO. To date, most of Israel's trade is with the European Union, and hundreds of thousands of Israelis hold dual European citizenships. Additionally there is a strong cultural bond between Israel and Europe; it is hard to imagine modern Europe without the influence of Jewish intellectuals, from Spinoza to Kafka and Freud.  Membership in the European Union would gain Israel greater political influence in an ever-strengthening Europe and contribute much to the economy.  We can achieve this goal in the near future and should make every effort to make it come about. 

Personal Security

The primary duty of every state is to ensure the personal security of its citizens.  However in recent years, the feeling has been growing that our personal security has been deteriorating.  Sadly, tales of shocking crimes, assault of the elderly, rape, and murder have become features of our daily news reports.  Of course, drug use plagues our society and plays a large role in the causes of crime.  The general sense is that law and order has all but left Israeli society.

There is no magic formula for fighting crime and restoring a sense of personal security to the average citizen – it is matter of thorough hands-on labor.  The government must view personal security as a national goal of uppermost importance. We must strengthen the police force and ensure that it ceases to function as contract workers for the IDF and instead focus on the needs of the average citizen.  The court system must also function effectively, with appropriate conviction rates and sentencing.

This may seem like an impossible goal, but a look at examples from around the world – especially the Guiliani case – proves that it can be done.  A system of punishment for both major and minor crimes, accompanied by a significant budget increase for the police force and a doubling of the number of police officers on the streets will lead to a sharp decrease in the amount of crimes committed and return to our citizens a sense of personal safety. 

Restoring and maintaining order must be left to the professionals.  It is absurd to expect a soldier from the “Female Soldiers Police Program” or a police clerk to confront heads of organized crime and other dangerous criminals.  Only a meticulous implementation of the “New York Model”, with some adaptations appropriate to Israel’s needs will re-establish a sense of safety in our cities.

The meta-goal of State of Israel in its fight on crime is to reach a state of maximum deterrence power.   If the penal consequences of committing a crime outweighed any benefit one might derive from such an action, crime levels would fall.  Certainty of punishment also serves as a deterrent – perhaps even more than its severity.  If this were not the case, how could one explain the reckless driving one finds on our roads?  Surely there the consequences of one’s infraction of the law are much more severe than any court conviction could possibly be.   The conclusion is clear: severity of punishment is an insufficient deterrent; it is certainty of punishment that provides the main power of deterrence.   In order to implement this principle, we need a police force with greater resources.

A dramatic change in the area of personal security can come about only with well organized political backing.  In order for the necessary budget and legislative changes to come about, there needs to be sufficient support in the coalition insisting that crime reduction be a priority.

There is, of course, an economical dividend to crime prevention; a safer Israel will mean a more prosperous Israel.  For example by way of contrast, according to the Office of the Treasury, the annual cost to the country of the numerous car accidents runs into the billions. 

Good intentions alone will not bring about any change.  Only uncompromising policies and zero tolerance for any crime – be it major or minor will lead to real change.  We need to see a doubling of the police force and other far-reaching steps, such as: mandatory minimum punishments for serious crimes and the confiscation of the property of criminals and the penal compensation of their victims.  These measures will reduce crime numbers, restore security to Israel’s citizens and improve the level of quality of life in this country.

Social and Economic Security

Social strength is a sine qua non for national strength, and there is a direct relationship between the degree of economical security of the individual and the smooth running of a modern society.  When the social and economic foundations of the State are at risk of collapse, the stability of the state itself stands at risk. 

The main problem of the Israeli economy is a lack of vision – a lack of a clearly articulated philosophy that protects the interests of the Israeli public and of the economy in general.  Good leadership in general and economic leadership in particular requires one to view matters from a bird’s eye perspective.  However it seems that economic policy in Israel is not always set on the macro level, according to clear goals, but rather on the micro level, to put out brush fires, as it were, usually around the time of the setting of the budget in the Knesset or after a seemingly unexpected security related event. The correct approach is to identify in the needs of the public and the demands of the Israeli economy and implement a solution in advance of any crisis. 

Yisrael Beitenu’s economic agenda simultaneously embraces both social compassion and the notion of a free economy and sees itself as committed to the doctrine of Zeev Jabotinsky, who believed that the state must supply food, clothing, shelter, education, and health care for those who cannot do so for themselves.  A well functioning state, especially a Jewish state, must act with great consideration toward those who can neither meet their own needs nor conduct an effective struggle for their rights.  The solidarity and strength of society as a whole depends on the degree of support given to its weaker members. 

At the same time, Yisrael Beitenu firmly believes that the government must support and encourage the growth of the economy.  This support would not conflict with the principles of social compassion – on the contrary, a state must have a strong and flourishing economy in order to provide for the weaker populations.

Yisrael Beitenu’s Economic Goals

Israel as an Attractive Location for Foreign Investment

Israel must become a superpower in the field of technology, attracting investors and entrepreneurs from around the world.  Strong connections with investors in North America, Europe, and the Far East is crucial for encouraging investment in Israeli projects.  Yisrael Beitenu envisions the introduction of financial incentives, tax discounts and the reduction of bureaucracy along with governmental assistance in the setting up of factories and research and development programs - all to confirm Israel’s status as a leading location for foreign investment.

Increasing the Work Force

The great disparities of wealth in this country and the large numbers of people living beneath the poverty line are the result of the relatively lower number of people in the work force.  In Israel today, 55% of people between the ages of 15 and 65 are employed; that is 10% less than countries in the OECD.

Israel must create an employment “hot house”, as more employment means less poverty.  Through training programs that provide people with employable skills and the cessation of payment of welfare benefits to those who are capable of working, the State of Israel will simultaneously stimulate economic growth and the reduction of poverty, along with a strengthened sense of social solidarity.

Public Healthcare

The public healthcare system must be strengthened so that it is able to provide the most advanced treatments available to everyone – regardless of one’s socio-economic class, number of contacts in the healthcare system, or the amount of private health insurance one pays.  Israel needs more beds in its hospitals, new ambulatory care services, and the most advanced preventative care treatment in the West.  The number of medications covered by the government must be regularly updated, not only after degrading struggles by patients, which are beneath the dignity of both the state and the patients.

Real Estate

The area of real estate is need of reform in order to rectify some injustices and allow for economic growth.  We suggest the following:

-         The transference of lands held by local councils to nearby city municipalities, accompanied by a redrawing of the muncipalities’ borders where necessary. So for example, land controlled by the local council of Tomer in the Negev, should be transferred to the municipality of Dimona.

-         The transfer of land from one purpose to another, so that for example, if there is land marked for agricultural use but is not used for that purpose, it may be allocated for urban uses, such as residential, industrial, or business.

-         To reform land registration laws such that one could be the proprietor of land, and not simply the leaseholder, even if the land is not private.

-         A simplification of the bureaucratic process so that construction can take place within a short period of time.  In Israel today, the amount of time involved in obtaining the rights for construction is intolerable compared to that in other Western countries.

Educational Security

The education of today’s children shapes the State of tomorrow.  It should come as no surprise, therefore, that Israel spends similar per capita amounts on education as other Western countries.  What is surprising is the steady decline in standards that the Israeli educational system has seen in recent years, such that Israel ranks among the lowest of Western countries in its educational achievements.  This situation is unacceptable, especially for a nation that prides itself on its intellectual attainments

How can the disparity between the amount if investment and the poor results be explained?  Unfortunately, most of the money allocated for education is spent on bureaucracy and not on the schools.  The Ministry of Education is overrun with administrative and pedagogical offices that absorb much of the funding.  There is an entire network of administrators who have very high salaries, using money that should be for the schools.

The problem is one of quality and not quantity.  As Prof. Aaron Ciechanover, Nobel Prize laureate for Chemistry (2004), has said, “Education is not only a matter of money; it must become a national value, for it is an essential component of the national vitality of the State. . . If we do not re-establish education as the top of our priorities, and not only in the budgetary sense, there will be no knowledge in Israel.”

There are a number of reasons for the deterioration of Israel’s educational system: low requirements for prospective teachers; an inadequate number of refresher courses for teachers, which limits their ability to keep current with new educational approaches; a lack of goals and a system of oversight that would assure educational quality; an insufficiency of advancement opportunities for good teachers; a shortage of resources for weaker students; few teaching hours and a disproportionate number of school holidays; crowded classes and school buildings that are not conducive to individualized teaching, customized to meet every student’s needs.

Another problem, and perhaps the most fundamental, is the low status of teaching as a career in Israel.  The complaint that teaching is not a respected vocation is completely legitimate.  Teaching must be perceived as a well compensated, highly regarded profession in order to attract the strongest candidates and improve the educational system as a whole.

It is better to ensure that teachers do not have to resort to the extreme action at their disposal in any democratic state, i.e. to strike.  Teacher strikes do much damage to the student as well as the teacher.  Just as there could be no justification for the shut down of emergency or operating rooms, so too there should be no justification for the cancellation of school for the sake of a teacher strike, especially right before the beginning of the new school year or the high school matriculation exams.  Teaching is more than a career; it is a calling, and therefore a strike is never the appropriate recourse. 

We must strengthen the sense of a “calling” in the field of teaching, firstly with measures increase the goodwill of teachers through pay rises and other means of proper compensation for hard work that often extends well beyond one’s official hours; and secondly through more rigorous requirements for teacher training, more mandatory pedagogy courses in the course of one’s career, and regular assessments of teacher quality.

Our sages taught, “Correct conduct precedes the Torah”. One of the fundamental roles of education is to help form the personality and moral sense of the student.  Ensuring that every student grows to be a “mentsch” should take precedence over ensuring that every student be prepared for the professional world.

Education also plays a crucial role in strengthening the individual’s connection to the Jewish people.  Through learning Jewish history, culture, and tradition, one’s emotional and intellectual bond with the Jewish people grows stronger.  For this reason, Yisrael Beitenu advocates the establishment of a mandatory matriculation exam (Bagrut) in Judaism for all high school students.

Israel, as a progressive, Western country prides itself on its ability to significantly contribute to the fields of science, technology, and the liberal arts.    In order for the “People of the Book” to continue and expand their role as a world-player in these fields, we must narrow the educational gaps between the socio-economically advantaged and the disadvantaged.  Every child from every town is entitled to the same quality of education, which among other things, provides them with the tools to become professionals in the world market.

Of course, fundamental to all these educational goals is the dire need to eradicate all violence within the school walls and beyond them.  There should be a student code of conduct that every student must study and to which he or she will be held.

Yisrael Beitenu advocates integration in education, however not at the expense of excellence in achievement.  Unfortunately today, one usually comes at the expense of the other.  In order to maximize the potential within the “Jewish genius”, the educational system must be open to innovative programs for gifted children.

In order to bring about great changes in the educational system, the government must make brave and radical changes.  It was Janush Korczak  who said, “If you wish to change the world – change education.

The Jewish Character of the State

Faithfulness to our ancestral heritage and to the legacy of Israel’s founders, pioneers, and heroes are essential to the perpetuation of the country’s identity as a Jewish State, as opposed to a state for the Jewish people or for all its citizens. Yisrael Beitenu believes strongly in Israel’s Jewish identity and works to strengthen it.

Our ancestral heritage, together with Zionism, has been the sustaining force of the Jewish people throughout the generations. Empires have risen and fallen; many a nation has faded into oblivion, but the Jewish people have always endured.  The strength found in the Jewish heart is the strength of a long and rich tradition.  It is precisely this tradition that has fortified our fathers and mothers in the past, and what will fortify us and our descendants in generations to come.

Many have been the hardships and suffering; but we have always risen anew and overcome every threat or foe. Even when it seemed that the Jewish nation was but a “brand plucked from the flames”, we triumphed, and the establishment of the State of Israel has been an extraordinary achievement by any standard. Thus we did not allow Hitler to defeat us and thus shall we defeat any of his ideological successors today. We believe that the power of the Jewish tradition to inspire is as important as, if not more than, military might.

Lenience within the Halakha (religious law)

The debates between the well known first century schools of Beit Hillel and Beit Shammai were resolved with the dictum, “These ands these are the words of the living God, but we decide according to Beit Hillel,” who always ruled leniently. And so it should be when forming the religious character of the country – when possible one should turn to side of lenience and away from stringency. 

Yisrael Beitenu believes that working with the halakha and striving to reduce the potential for friction to a bear minimum is the best means to finding successful solutions, for one cannot deny the link between a national conception of Judaism and religious Judaism.

Yisrael Beitenu strives for a modern society based on Jewish tradition and Zionism – a society that respects the religious and halakhic aspects of Jewish life and is simultaneously tolerant of differing religious outlooks, so long as they are consistent with Israeli laws and values. 

 This position finds expression in the following five policy areas:

Education

      The State of Israel must ensure the firm place of Jewish values in the educational system.  Every Israeli child should have a deep knowledge of the Book of Books of the Jewish people, along with the other books to be found in the Jewish bookcase, both old and new.  Every student should have a fundamental understanding of the cycle of festivals and the way of life of their ancestors.   The goal of such a curriculum would be to establish within each Israeli child both a rational and emotional connection to his or her Jewish heritage, free of any coercion to undertake any religious practices.   For coercion has no role in education. 

     We cannot tolerate a situation in which every Israeli child knows what “Sylvester” and “Valentine’s Day” are but are completely ignorant of the meaning of the Ninth of Av or the Tenth of Tevet – even of their national significance, let alone their religious significance. So too regarding the Fifth of Iyar and the 29^th of November.  Knowledge is power, and ignorance is a person’s greatest threat.

Marriage and Divorce

Israel, as a Jewish state, must appeal to people and not alienate them through heavy bureaucracy or coercion.   This is certainly true concerning the right to get married and begin a family, which are fundamental steps in self-fulfillment.  Yisrael Beitenu seeks to make this process as simple and dignified as possible through its Covenant of Commitment (civil marriage), which would be a balanced and efficient way to get married without undo complication.

Conversion

Israel must warmly welcome those who wish to become part of the Jewish people – and not push them away, especially as maintaining a solid Jewish majority is essential in light of the present demographic threat.  Israel Beitenu advocates a softening of the Rabbinate’s approach to prospective converts and a simplification of the conversion process overall, within the bounds of halakha, of course.  The number of aspects of the conversion process one can fulfill in the army should be increased. In addition, local rabbis should have the authority to convert people to Judaism, as had been the practice for generations.  Concentration of the authority to convert in the Rabbinate has led to huge backlogs and to frustrating delays, sometimes with the result of those who have come to love Judaism, sadly coming to hate it.